IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0     ^1^1^ 

■tt  Bii   122 

SI  Lfi    12.0 


1.1 


t^VAIli, 


^J> 


^ 


*♦ 

y 


Fhologra[jiic 

Sdenoes 
CorpOTalion 


•s? 


<> 


\ 


n  WfST  MAM  STRHT 

V»K»VU,N.Y.  14SM 

(71*)t72-4S03 


4^        ^   \ 


6^ 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  da  microraproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniquea  at  bibliographiques 


The  Instituta  has  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  bast 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Faaturas  of  this 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


D 


D 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I   Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommag6e 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couveiture  restaurte  et/ou  pellicula 


□   Cover  title  missing/ 
Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

□   Coloured  maps/ 
Cartes  giographiques  en  couleur 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


I      I   Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
ReliA  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  Mure  serrie  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutctas 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  ceia  Atait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  AtA  fiimias. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentairas  supplimentaires: 


L'Institut  a  microfilm*  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  At6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite.  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mAthode  normale  de  f ilmage 
sont  indiqute  ci-dessous. 


□   Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 


Th( 
to 


n 
0 

D 


D 


Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag^as 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurtes  et/ou  pellicultes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  dAcolortes.  tachet^es  ou  piquies 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d^tachdes 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 


I     I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Quality  in^gala  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  material  supplAmentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc..  have  been  ref limed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  fauillet  d'errata.  une  pelure. 
etc..  ont  6t6  film6es  A  nouveau  de  fapon  A 
obtenir  la  mailleure  image  possible. 


Th( 
po 
of 
fllr 


Ori 

b«l 
tN 
sio 
ot» 
fin 
sio 
or 


Th( 
shi 
TW 


dif 

eni 

rigj 
ri 

ma 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  rMuction  indiqu6  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


^ 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


ils 

lu 

iiffier 

ne 

age 


Th*  copy  fllm«d  hw  has  bMii  raproducMl  thanks 
to  th«  o«n«roslty  of: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  ArcNvat  of  British  Columbia 

Tho  imagM  appoaring  haro  ara  fha  bast  quality 
posaibia  eonaidaring  tha  condition  and  lagibiiity 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  Icaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacifications. 


L'axamplaira  filmA  f ut  raproduit  grica  i  la 
g4n4roslt*  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

Laa  imagaa  suhrantaa  ont  4t*  raproduitas  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin.  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
de  la  nattat*  da  raxamplaira  fiimA,  at  an 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 


Original  capias  in  printad  papar  covers  ara  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  er«d  ending  on 
the  laat  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  bacic  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  lest  page  with  a  printad 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Lee  exemplairas  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimis  sent  filmds  en  commen^ent 
par  la  premier  plot  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
darniflre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  las  autres  exemplairas 
originaux  sent  fllmAs  en  commenpant  par  la 
pramiAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  darniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  lest  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  ▼  (meaning  "END  "). 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaltra  sur  la 
dernlAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — ^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE".  le 
symbole  Y  signifie  "FIN". 


Meps.  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  Thie  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  Atrs 
filmAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atra 
raproduit  en  un  seul  clichA.  il  est  filmA  i  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  i  droits, 
et  de  haut  en  bas.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'imagas  nAcsssaira.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrsnt  la  mAthode. 


rata 


elure. 


3 


32X 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

^(,f> 


MR. 


I 


Deli 


SPEECH 


QF 


MR.  J.  S.  PENDLETON,  OF  VIRCHNIA, 


ON  THE 


OREGON  QUESTION. 


Delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives ,  U.  S.,  January  26, 1846. 


.    WASHINGTON: 
PRINTED  BT  J.  *  O.  B.  GIDEON. 
1846. 


•.:;'.\v/ 


I 


/i'jM  ; 


The  Hoi 
Mution  repo 
Great  Brit 
mcnta,  pro 
months — 

Mr.  P 

was  furtl 

dispositic 

trouble  c 

It  was 

Texas  w 

of  1844- 

he  mighi 

litter,  of 

parturiti( 

Xoan 

tinguish( 

i  by  an  es 

;  ception  c 

Presiden 

aiid  witli 

I  friends, '. 

tiie  repul 

^  lating  an 

had  airei 

has  brou 

sake — su 

=  its  best  e 

I      But,  f 

lieved  I 

tnistaken 

iTiise  tha 

liberal  ai 

lieve,  to 

from  its 

£truction 

candidal 

Hartford 

Baltinioi 

by  its  ov 

pay  it  m 

one-houi 

I  was 

of  that  r 

not  last, 

patriotisr 

Barnes  w 

cient  an< 


i 


SPEECH 


The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  and  having  under  consideration  the  joint  reso- 
Mution  reported  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Aifairs,  directing  the  President  to  give  notice  to 
Great  Britain  that  the  United  States  will  terminate  the  convention  between  the  two  Govern 
mcnts,  providing  for  the  joint  occupation  of  the  Oregon  territory,  at  the  expiration  of  twelve 
months — 

Mr.  PENDLETON  said,  that  when  this  debate  commenced,  nothing 
I  was  further  from  his  intention  than  any  manner  of  participation  in  it.    My 
disposition  was,  Sir,  (said  Mr.  P.,)  to  leave  to  those  who  have  brought  this 
trouble  on  the  country,  the  business  of  settling  it. 

It  was  said  early  in  the  discussion,  that  this  Oregon  question  and  that  of 
Texas  were  "born  and  cradled"  in  the  Bahimore  Democratic  convention 
of  1844 — ^^^twins,"  as  my  honorable  friend  from  Massachusetts  says;  two, 
he  might  with  more  precise  accuracy  have  said,  out  of  a  very  numerous 
litter,  of  as  monstrous  political  absurdities  as  any  conclave,  by  so  rapid  a 
parturition,  ever  spawned  upon  the  world. 

'^'o  another  of  the  progeny  of  tliat  celebrated  convention — the  most  dis- 
tinguished in  his  destiny ,  as  the  most  remarkable  in  his  birth — for  with  him , 
by  an  extraordinary  violation  of  all  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  reason,  con- 
ception and  delivery  were  a  simultaneous,  if  not  a  single  process — to  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  I  mean — with  a  party  majority  at  his  heels, 
and  with  the  command  of  both  branches  of  Congress  in  the  hands  of  his 
friends,  I  was  inclined,  I  repeat,  to  leave  the  task  of  relieving  himself  and 
tlie  republic,  of  all  the  consequences  of  his  own  peculiar  system  of  regu- 
lating and  conducting  its  foreign  relations.  I  did  not  doubt  but  the  party 
had  already  a  sufficiently  lively  perception  of  the  difficulties  into  which  it 
has  brought  itself,  to  find  reason — for  the  party's,  if  not  for  the  countiy's 
sake — sufficient  to  stimulate  an  interested,  if  not  a  patriotic,  dedication  of 
its  best  energies  to  the  object  of  its  own  extrication . 

But,  Sir,  as  long  as  I  have  known  your  party,  and  as  thoroughly  as  I  be- 
lieved I  understood  it,  and  know  that  I  do  understand  it,  I  confess  I  was 
mistaken  on  this  occasion.  I  was  perfectly  aware  of  the  spirit  of  compro- 
mise that  shaped  the  decisions  of  your  Baltimore  convention — a  spirit  so 
liberal  and  large,  that,  in  the  brief  session  of  two  days,  it  found  time,  I  be- 
lieve, to  deny  and  discredit  every  principle  which,  as  a  party,  it  professes; 
from  its  unanimous  negation  of  its  own  great  fundamental  doctrine  of  in- 
struction ,  to  its  unanimous  recommendation  of  a  Democratic  Republican 
«andidate  /or  the  Presidency,  at  the  instance  and  upon  the  nomination  of  a 
Hartford  convention  Federalist.  I  desire  it  to  be  remembered  that  this 
Baltimore  convention  has  been  introduced  into  this  debate  not  by  me,  but 
by  its  own  friends  and  partisans.  If  time  permitted,  I  should  be  happy  to 
pay  it  my  special  respects,  on  many  accounts.  But,  for  the  present,  your 
one-hour  rule  compels  me  to  let  it  pass. 

I  was  about  observing  that  I  comprehended  perfecdy  well  the  steraness 
of  that  necessity  which  caused  your  apparent  harmony ,  and  that  it  could 
not  last,  for  it  was  not  cordial  in  its  character,  nor  founded  on  any  basis  of 
patriotism  or  principle.  No,  Sir;  you  might  as  well  attempt  to  fetter  the 
Barnes  with  llax,  or  to  chain  the  ocean  with  sand,  as  to  keep  in  any  effi- 
cient and  permanent  combi  nation  ^  the  heterc^eneoua  elements  to  be  found 


1  ^\  H  '^  ^'*  '"* 

J!     «   5  f  jf  :,-«   1.-J   ■'..-I 


in  the  millions  who  compose  your  Democratic  party;  or,  what  is  perhaps^ 
more  difliciilt,  to  restrain  the  impatient  and  selfish  aspirations  of  some  of 
the  leaders,  whom  they  follow. 

Bu*-  I  was  unprepared,  I  confess,  for  the  events  we  have  seen  here.  I 
did  not  suppose  that  the  party,  in  thirty  days  after  its  full  instalment  into 
power — fresh  from  the  people — burning, according  to  its  own  account,  with 
fervent  devotion  to  the  public  weal;  and  last,  not  least,  banded  together  by 
a  common  and  disinterested  reverence  for  the  high  qualities  of  its  chosen 
chief,  would  be  found  on  such  a  question  as  this — a  question  settled  at  the 
Baltimore  convention — split  up  and  divided  into  angry  and  contending  fac- 
tions. And  not  only  divided,  but,  if  we  may  believe  the  evidence  of  one 
faction  against  the  other,  seizing  on  this  great  national  question,  as  the  occa- 
sion for  comiAencing  a  miserable  scramble,  for  the  succession  to  the  Presi- 
dential office. 

I  refer  to  these  facts  as  things  which  huve  transpired  in  the  face  of  the 
whole  country,  and  therefore  proper  to  be  referred  to;  and  for  the  further 
reason  that  they  furnish,  in  part,  the  motive  of  my  action  on  the  present 
occasion.  I  take  nu  sides  between  these  criminating  and  recriminating 
parties.  Least  of  all,  do  I  tender  any  mediatorial  offices — ^^non  nqhis 
tantas  componere  lites.^*  I  find  in  the  bitterness,  as  well  as  the  prema- 
turity of  their  discords,  the  best  omen  for  the  public  good,  that  either  their 
aspect  or  action  has  afforded,  for  along  time  past. 

Yet,  since  1  have  referred  to  these  matters,  and  since,  for  the  larger 
part ,  I  believe  the  charges  to  be  perfectly  true ,  I  owe  it  to  my  own  siijcere 
convictions  to  acquit  myself  of  the  suspicion  of  lending  any  sort  of  coun- 
tenance to  that  very  gross  and  ungenerous  charge ,  which  has  been  made 
against  a  distinguished  member  of  the  other  branch  of  Congress. 

If  the  man  whose  earliest  distinction  in  public  life,  was  his  authorship  of 
the  war  report  of  1812,  cannot  be  relied  on  to  sustain  his  country  in  a  just 
and  righteous  war,  then,  I  do  not  know  the  man  who  can  be  depended 
on  in  such  an  emergency.  It  seems  to  be  one  of  the  hard  conditions  of 
great  eminence  in  our  country,  to  be  peculiarly  liable  to  the  grossest  impu- 
tations. A  great  statesman,  distinguished  for  more  than  thirty  years,  in  the 
highest  offices  of  the  republic,  returns  to  public  life  after  a  temporary  re- 
tirement, and  the  foreign  press  hails  his  advent,  as  auspicious  to  the  cause  of 
peace.  Instantly  he  is  charged  with  being  under  foreign  influence,  and  we 
are  significantly  told  to  wait  and  see  "which  side  he  takes;"  as  if  those 
who  resist  these  mad  projects  of  war  were  a  foreign  party,  or  under  foieigik 
influence. 

I  do  not  belong,  and  never  shall  belong,  to  the  party  of  that  Senator — 
never,  certainly,  whilst  he  keeps  his  present  company — but  I  think  far  too 
well  of  him  to  suppose,  that  he  can  be,  even  for  a  moment ^  ruffled  by  so 
unjust  an  aspersion.  I  hope  sincerely  that  he  will  be  found ^  on  this  occa- 
sion ,  where  his  large  experience  and  his  matured  wisdom  make  it  almost 
certain  he  mtAit  be  found ,  on  the  side  of  peace — the  peace  of  his  own 
country  and  of  the  world;  that  he  will,  with  all  the  strength  of  his  great 
intellect,  resist  the  rash  and  ill-advised  counsels  that  would  plunge  hi» 
country  into  war;  and,  in  so  doing,  add  another  to  the  many  unquestiona- 
ble titles  he  already  has,  to  the  respect  and  admiration  of  all  his  country- 
men. If  I  could  be  permitted  to  counsel  that  distinguished  gentleman ,  I 
would  say  to  him — Go,  emulate  the  example  of  &  great  pacificator;  and 


if,  as  in 
fiave  no 
then  yoi 
the  unm 
ble  judg 

Iwill 
present  ( 
veil  fron 
the  haz2 
pressible 
bility  to 
am  calle 

This( 
national 
is  now  c 
ticular  s< 
favor  of 
is  due  til 
boundar 
whilst  I 
a  statem 
to  remar 
debate,  J 
and  pail 
things,  s 
ever  hon 
the  mosl 
imminet 
pending 

I  can 

■ought  to 

tion ,  an( 

presentai 

wealth , 

millions 

^and  war 

I  hope, 

•'•of  an  ur 

'present  ( 

•^he  most 

Let  m 
4ion  of  t 
liere.  I 
x:hildren 
about  wi 
England 

It  is  e 

your  citi 

men  for 

change ( 

|.long  pea 


8  perhaps- 
f  some  of 

here.  I 
nent  into 
Lint,  with 
gether  by- 
Is  chosen 
led  at  the 
iding  fac- 
ce  of  one 
the  occa- 
Lhe  Presi- 

ce  of  the 
le  further 
le  present 
iminating 
ion  nqbis 
le  prema- 
ither  their 

the  larger 
*'n  siiicere 
,  of  coun- 
;en  made 

tiorship  of 
in  a  just 
depended 
ditions  of 
est  impu- 
}rs,ia  the 
lorary  re- 
e  cause  of 
},  and  we 
IS  if  those 
er  foieigii 

Senator — 
k  far  too 
fled  by  so 
this  occa- 
it  almost 
f  his  own 
his  great 
lunge  hi& 
luestiona- 
J  countiy- 
leman,  I 
arfor;  and 


if,  as  in  his  case,  services  that  deserve  monuments  more  durable  than  brass, 
tiave  no  present  return,  but  the  cold  ingratitude  of  a  thankless  generation — 
then  >ou  will  not  fail  to  win  a  higher  reward  than  party  can  bestow — 
Ihe  unmixed  approbation  of  your  own  conscience,  and  the  sure  and  favora- 
ble judgment  of  the  good  and  the  wise,  now  and  forever. 

1  will  endeavor,  Sir,  to  rfvoid  the  error  of  making  a  parly  speech ,  on  the 
present  occasion.  7f  1  have  erred  in  attempting,  for  a  moment,  to  lift  the 
veil  from  that  miserable  jugglery  which  has  led  a  confiding  people  to  incur 
the  hazard  of  a  tremendous  calamity,  let  it  be  attributed  rather  to  an  irre- 
pressible indignation  against  the  conjurers  themselves,  than  to  any  insensi- 
bility to  the  high  obligations,  and  the  grave  responsibilities,  under  which  I 
am  called  to  act,  in  common  with  all  the  menibers  of  this  House. 

This  question,  which  should  always  have  been,  but  never  has  been,  a 
national  one,  is  beginning  to  lose  the  party  character  it  at  first  assumed,  and 
is  now  coming  to  be  very  distinctly  a  sectional  one.  Gentlemen  from  par- 
ticular sections  of  the  Union  seem  to  unite,  without  regard  to  party,  in 
favor  of  th^s  war  measure  of  notice, .as  if  the  capacity  to  comprehend  what 
is  due  the  national  honor,  were  circumscribed  within  certain  geographical 
boundaries.  In  this  state  of  things,  I  beg  the  indulgence  of  the  committee, 
whilst  I  submit  a  few  remarks,  hardly  intended  to  be  arguments,  but  rather 
a  statement  of  the  reasons  which  decide  my  own  course.  And  permit  me 
to  remark,  in  limine,  that,  although  not  absolutely  inexperienced  in  public 
debate,  1  arise  on  this,  to  me,  untried  theatre,  with  the  most  unaffected 
and  painful  diffidence  and  distrust  of  myself;  distrust  of  myself  in  all 
things,  save  a  sincere  and  earnest  desire  to  say,  if  I  can,  in  any  form,  how- 
ever homely,  a  single  word  that  may  contribute  to  avert  from  my  country 
the  most  dreadful  of  all  the  scourges  to  which  civilized  society  is  liable — 
imminently,  as  I  am  forced  to  believe,  imminently, at  this  moment  im- 
pending. 

I  can  imagine.  Sir,  no 'occasion  of  more  solemn  interest — no  scene|which 
•ought  to  be  marked  by  every  circumstance  of  sober  dignity,  and  modera- 
tion, and  caution,  more  than  that  of  a  North  American  Congress — the  re- 
presentatives of  twenty  millions  of  people,  as  advanced  in  civilization,  in 
wealth,  in  intelligence,  in  public  and  in  private  virtue,  as  any  other  twenty 
millions  in  the  world — deliberating  upon  and  discussing  the  issues  of  peace 
^and  war — issues  always  inlportant  and  interesting,  and,  I  may  be  allowed, 
"  I  hope,  whhout  incurring,  even  in  this  belligerent  presence,  the  reproach 
'•of  an  unmanly  timidity,  to  say — not  the  less  interesting,  when,  as  in  the 
■yresent  case,  the  adversary  party  is  the  most  ancient  of  existing  States,  and 
^'4he  most  powerful  and  warlike  of  either  ancient  or  modern  empires. 

Let  me  not  be  hastily  condemned.  Sir, for  speaking  in  terms  of  exaggera- 
tion of  the  momentous  crisis  in  which  it  has  been  my  fortune  to  appear 
liere.  I  speak  as  I  feel  about  it.  It  is  an  easy  thing,  Mr.  Chairman,  for 
4;hildren  at  school — boys  at  college  shoi^ld  have  more  sense — to  talk  lightly 
about  war,  and  battle,  and  bloodshed,  between  such  people  as  those  of 
England  and  the  United  States. 

It  is  easy  for  that  worthless  and   vagrant  population  which  loafs  about 

your  cities — the  bullies  of  election  days,  and  patriots  of  the  pot-houses — 

men  for  whom  wars  and  revolutions   have  no  terrors,  because  to  them 

change  can  bring  no  inconveniences,  "the  cankers  of  a  calm  world  and  a 

fiong  peace,"  to  talk  and  rant  about  war. 


6 


And,  Sir,  among  our  friends  and  compatriots  here,  there  are  circum- 
stances and  conditions  naturally  calculated  to  aflect  very  importantly  the 
relative  composure  with  which  we  can  contemplate  those  scenes  of  suffer- 
ing and  calamity,  which  a  British  war  must  inevitably  produce  to  both  par- 
ties, and  to  all  who  may  become  parties  to  it. 

Gentlemen  whose  local  position  removes  them  beyond  the  range  of  dan- 
ger— far  beyond  the  point  to  which  even  successful  invasion  would  have 
any  motive  to  penetrate — who  are  fortunately  so  situated  that,  if  it  did 
reach  them ,  they  could  easily  place  themselves  in  a  condition  that  the  in- 
vader would  be  alone  the  sufferer  by  the  experiment — may  find  much  less 
difficulty  in  going  to  war  upon  a  Quixotic  pretext,  than  those  of  us  who,  if 
we  do  not  do  ail  the  fighting,  must  unquestionably  pay  nearly  all  the  penal- 
ties. 

J  mean  no  manner  of  disrespect  to  the  courage  or  patriotism  of  those 
gentlemen  who  talk  lightly  of  an  English  war.  As  one  who  admires 
many  traits  of  their  personal  character,  I  could  only  wish  that  some  other 
occasion  might  be  improved,  when,  placing  themselves,  their  families,  and 
their  constituents  in  the  front  of  exposure ,  they  might  vindicate  their  pre- 
tensions to  that  ultra  chivalry,  and  impatient  valor,  and  public  devotion, 
which ,  under  the  actual  circumstances  of  the  present  case ,  are  not  likely 
to  be  fully  appreciated  by  practical  and  common-sense  men. 

But,  Sir,  the  prospect  of  war  must  always  be  viewed  by  the  people  of  the 
Atlantic  States  with  very  different  emotions.  The  gentleman  from  Phila- 
delphia was  disposed  to  treat  jocularly  the  remark  of  the  gentleman  from 
'South  Carolina,  that  he  was  alarmed  at  the  probable  issue  of  this  question. 
I  should  think  very  indifferently  of  the  understanding  of  that  gentleman,  if 
he  die  feel  some  alarm  at  the  prospect  before  us,  seeing  in  it,  as  he 

does,  tii.  tjance ,  not  to  say  the  strong  probability, of  a  collision,  which 
must  inevitably  involve  more  risks  to  his  immediate  constituents  than  to 
those  of,  perhaps,  any  other  gentleman  iii  this  House.  That  honorable 
gentleman  has,  in  my  judgment,  shown  his  good  sense  in  the  quick  aiid 
accurate  perception  of  the  danger  before  us,  and  such  a  spirit  as  becomes  a 
representative  of  his  own  gallant  State,  in  spurning  the  well  understood 
dictation  of  party ,  which  would  direct  a  different  course  from  that  he  means 
to  pureue.  Though  less  exposed  than  that  gentleman,  I  put  myself  in  the 
same  category  with  him ;  and  I  shall  have  the  approbation  of  a  constitu- 
ency which,  like  his,  has  shown  in  every  crisis  of  the  country  that  they 
understood  the  point  of  the  national  honor;  and  that,  whilst  they  are  wise 
enough  to  ''beware  of  rash  entrance  into  a  quarrel,"  once  entered,  they 
know  how  "so  to  bear  themselves,  that  the  adversary  shall  beware  of 
them." 

I  consider  this  notice  a  war  measure.  I  believe  that  a  military  occupa- 
tion on  our  part  of  Canada,  would  not  more  certainly  produce  collision  than 
it  must;  unless,  as  I  very  faintly  hope  may  turn  out,  the  British  Govern- 
ment has  already  seen  the  propriety  of  receding  from  the  position  it  has  so 
long  held  in  the  negotiation  about  Oregon — and,  before  this  moment,  is  so 
committed ,  that  it  may  not  choose  to  resume  that  or  a  stronger  position — pro- 
voked, as  it  unquestionably  is,  to  do  so,  by  the  great  indiscretions  occurring 
in  this  debate — the  greater  indiscretions  of  the  known  organ  of  our  Admin- 
istration— and  the  yet  greater  indiscretion  than  all,  that  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  in  the  manner  in  which  he  has  brought  the  subject  be- 


fore u 
in  whi 
to  exis 
in  my 
mesBBj 

"The 
rejection 
aon,  an 
that  no 

He 

"Thi 

Aga 

"  All 
tneaaure 
hercaAei 

He 

tory," 
ments. 
about 

Whi 
the  fe\ 
this  no 
at  all. 

Ale 
broken 
a  willii 
opinio! 
and  till 
not  pre 

■  the  mc 
interest 

*  give  u] 

■  which 
\  be  the 
\  some  c 
\      I  do 
\  1  appn 

plaint  < 

.'  those  c 

>that,b 

which 

Rej< 

;  make  i 

the  ho 

reasoni 

Th€ 

of  the 

withdr 

try;  y. 

s  ity  to  j 

\  fore  th 
procee 


1       , 

fbre  us  and  the  country.  I  mean, in  the  terms  of  his  annual  message^ 
in  which  he  assumes  that  the  possibility  of  amicable  adjustment  has  ceased 
to  exist, calls  on  Congress  for  authority  to  give  notice,  and,  very  unwisely, 
in  my  opinion,  publishes  the  correspondence  of  the  negotiators.  In  thtt 
message  he  says: 

"  The  extraordinary  and  wholly  inadmimiblo  demands  of  the  British  Gk>veminent,  and  the 
rejection  of  the  proposition  made  in  deference  alone  to  what  had  been  done  by  my  predeeea- 
aora,  and  the  implied  obligation  which  their  acts  seemed  to  impose,  afford  satisfactory  evidence 
that  no  compromise  which  the  United  Stales  ought  to  accept  can  be  effected.^' 

He  says  again: 

"  This  notice  it  would  in  my  judpnent  be  proper  to  give,'*  &c. 

Again : 

"  All  attempts  at  compromise  having  failed,  it  Incomes  the  duty  of  Coneress  to  consider  what 
measures  it  may  be  pro[)er  to  adopt  for  the  security  of  our  citizens  now  iimabiting  or  who  may 
hereafter  inhabit  Oregon,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  our  just  title  to  that  territory.*' 

He  elsewhere  asserts,  that  our  title  is  to  -'the  whole  of  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory," and  he  affirms  that  it  is  "  maintained  by  irrefragable  facts  and  argu- 
ments."  I  give  the  words  of  the  message,  that  there  may  be  no  mistake 
about  the  meaning  of  it. 

What  then,  is  the  precise  slate  of  the  case,  ns  it  now  stands?  Stated  in 
the  fewest  possible  words,  and  in  reference  to  the  single  inquiry  of  whether 
Ihis  notice,  in  the  actual  circumstances  in  which  it  must  be  given,  if  given 
at  all,  is  or  is  not  a  war  measure,  whether  intended  to  be  so  or  not? 

A  long  negotiation  (the  argument  greatly  on  our  side)  has  been  abruptly 

broken  off:  England,  however,  has  manifested  a  zeal,  an  earnestness,  and 

a  wiUingness  to  submit  to  arbitration,  which  proves  that  she  is  sincere  in  the 

opinion  (tjowever  erroneous  in  itself)  that  she  has  rights  in  the  premises, 

and  that  in  her  opinion  they  are  rights  of  some  value.     And  if  it  does 

not  prove  that  she  is  sincere  in  her  conviction  as  to  the  right,  then  it  shows 

'  the  more  strongly  her  high  estimate  of  the  vtlue  of  her  real  or  pretended 

interests  there.     The  President  of  the  United  States  has  himself  offered  to 

give  up  five  degrees  forty  minutes  of  the  entire  twelve  degrees  forty  minutes^ 

which  is  its  whole  length,  and  that  five  degrees  and  forty  minutes  is  said  to 

;  be  the  best  part  of  the  whole  territory — thus  acknowledging  that  there  was 

^  some  color  of  claim  on  the  part  of  England . 

I  do  not  mention  this  offer  of  the  President  in  a  spirit  of  complaint ;  for 

am  1  inclined  at  any  lime  to  make  unnecessary  com- 

functionary,  or  ever  to  do  it  in  any  other  terms  than 

proper  respect  towai'ds  the  officer  and  the  man.  I  refer  to  it  to  show 

£  that,  by  our  own  admissions,  England  has  grounds— nsome  grounds — oxk 

which  to  assert  her  claim . 

Rejecting  the  President's  last  offer,  the  British  negotiator  suggests,  that  he 
make  some  other  proposition  which, in  very  infelicitous  phrase, he  expresses 
the  hope  will  be  ^'  more  consistent  with  fairness  and  equity,  and  with  the 
reasonable  expectations  of  the  British  Government."  * 

The  President  then  says,  substantially,!  have  offered  you  a  large  portion 
of  the  country;  I  did  so  for  peace  sake;  you  refused  io  accept  it;  then  I 
withdraw  my  entire  proposition,  and  I  claim  and  will  have  the  whole  coun- 
try; you  shall  not  have  one  acre  of  it;  I  will  call  on  Congress  for  author- 
^i-e'si2cnt*of  \  ^^^  ^°  ^^^^  ^^^  notice,  (that  being  the  toar power  of  our  system y  and  there- 
subiect  be-  \f°^^  ^^^  ^^y  ^'**  competent  to  this  step,)  and,  if  it  concur  with  me,  we  will 
J  ;  proceed  to  make  good  our  title  in  our  own  way. 


are  circum- 
H>rtantly  the 
les  of  suffer- 
to  both  par- 

inge  of  dan- 
would  have 
U,  if  it  did 
I  that  the  in- 
(1  much  less 
f  us  who,  if 
ill  the  penaL- 

sm  of  those 
i^ho  admires 
t  some  other 
dmilies,  and 
tte  their  pre- 
ic  devotion, 
e  not  likely 

•eople  of  the 
from  Phila- 
lleman  from 
lis  question, 
entleman,  if 
I  in  it,  as  he 
ion,  which 
ents  than  to 

honorable 
e  quick  and 
8  becomes  a 
I  understood 
at  he  means 
yself  in  the 

a  constitu- 


.  a  consuiu-  i  ,  •.       xt 

r  that  they  i  ^^PP'^T*^*  ^7 
ey  are  wii     f^^'"'  f  ^^^^  ^'S^' 

.•:„j     .u.„  .'  those  of  proper  resn 


tered,  they 
betoare  of 

ary  occupa- 
ollision  than 
ish  Govern- 
on  it  has  so 
ment,  is  so 
sition — ^pro- 
is  occurring 
our  Admin 


It  is  vain  for  gentlemen  to  say,  that  '*  it  is  a  provision  of  the  conv#nlipii 
Miat  either  party  should  give  notice  when  it  chooees^and  therefoce  it  ip 

ftb«  flrst,  and  a  peaceable  step  towards  a  settlement."  Had  either  party 
|fi?en  notice  to  the  other  (and  given  it  in  advance  of  any  attempt  at  n^o- 
tiation)  that  the  joint  occupancy  was  to  cease;  then,  sir,  it  was  a  regular, 
fwaceful ,  and  proper  measure.  It  would  have  been  in  that  case  the  first 
step,  towards  tne  settlement  of  a  long  postponed  miestion.  The  next  step 
would  of  course  have  been  negotiation,  which  would  have  brought  the  mat- 
ter to  an  amicable  adjustment,  or  to  the  arbitrament  of  arms. 

But  here,  Sir,  is  altogether  a  different  state  of  things.  The  notice  now 
proposed,  is  not  that  peaceful  notice  contemplated  and  provided  for  in  the 
convention  of  1818,  and  afterwards  continued  as  part  of  ihe  subject.  That 
notice  was  intended  as  a  means  in  the  hands  of  either  party ,  of  bringing 
on,  when  it  saw  lit,  a  negotiation  to  settle  the  points  in  dispute.  But  in  this 
case,  the  parties  waived  tlie  formality  of  notice, 'and  proceeded  to  actual  ne- 
gotiation. The  President  of  the  United  States  has  seen  fit  to  break  it  off 
abi^ttptly — without  exhausting  the  usual  and  ordinary  means  of  adjusting  in- 
ternational  questions  of  territory  and  boundary.  He  declares  to  us  that  no 
compromise  con  be  effected.  He  publishes  the  whole  transaction,  as  if  to 
cut  off  the  possibility  of  retreat  from  both  parfies;  and  calls  upon  us  for  our 
co-operaMon.  The  difference  is  too  manifest,  not  to  be  seen  and  comprehend- 
ed by  the  feeblest  understanding. 

The  import  of  nolice,  if  now  given  by  authority  of  Congress,  is  nothing 

,more  nor  less  than  this:  We  back  the  President  at  all  hazards;  we  concur 
with  him  in  the  opinion  that  you  do  not  mean  to  do  what  is  right;  we  will 
not  ollow  you  a  single  inch  of  this  territory ;  we  will  proceed  ot  the  end  of 
twelve  months  to  take  possession  of  the  whole  country,  as  well  your 
present  establishments  there,  as  the  rest;  we  have  no  proposition  for  peace- 
ful adjustment  to  offer,  but  we  will  make  good  our  claim  by  some  other 

•means  than  compromise  or  arbitration.  Do  we  not  present  to  Great  Britain 
the  single  and  only  alternative  of  war  or  submission?  Sir,  there  is  not  a 
little  page  upon  your  floor  that  does  not  see  that.  Then  I  ask,  can  any  man 
who  knows  any  thing  of  England  suppose,  that  she  will  submit  to  so  harsh 
a  treatment?  To  say  nothing  of  the  injury,  did  she  ever  submit  to  so  much 
insult,  from  any  Power,  or  from  any  combination  of  Powers?    She  says  it 

■  is  injury — all  the  world  must  pronounce  it  insult. 

England  is,  however,  a  prudent  and  sagacious  Government,  and,  with 
all  her  bull-dog  spirit,  would  not  like,  more  than  another,  to  go  into  a  very 
hopeless  and  unequal  war.  And  alarmed, as  doubtless  she  will  be,  when  she 
hears  of  the  very  formidable  proposition  of  the  honorable  gentleman  from 
Michigan,  who  the  other  day  pledged  himself  that  Gen.  Cass,  and  Michi- 
gan, and  himself,  would  take  Canada  in  ninety  days,  and  let  her  loose, 
and  take  her  again  in  half  the  time,  she  will  pause  and  survey  her  actual 
condition,  and  see  for  herself  whether  or  not  she  is  prepared  for  the  contest. 
Is  there,  then,  in  her  present  circumstances — her  credit,  her  army,  her 

^Bavy,  her  resources  of  eveiy  kind — any  thing  to  make  her  fear  the  hazards 

•'of  war,  more  than  in  ordinary  circumstances,  and  at  all  times?  Her  army 
is  stronger  than, on  a  peace  establishment,  it  ever  was  before;  her  naval  pow- 
er infinitely  greater  than  when,  single-handed,  she  swept  the  combined  fleets 

.of  the  other  principal  naval  powers  from  every  sea.     Her  credit  is  equal  to 

'Ae  command  of  .  -  _ 


worl 

aequ 

has 

the 

agoB 

of  a 

I 

«ver 

and 

the 


rery  dollar  in  Europe. 


peace 


berefore  it  ip 
either  party 
npt  at  nego- 
iB  a  reguUr, 
case  the  first 
he  nexl  step 
^ht  the  mat- 
notice  now 
d  for  in  the 
jecl.     That 
of  bringing 
But  in  this 
o  actual  ne- 
breuk  it  off 
(djueting  in- 
0  us  that  no 
on ,  as  if  to 
n  us  for  our 
omprehcnd- 

,  is  nothing 

we  concur 

ht;  we  will 

the  end  of 

well   your 

I J  for  peace - 

some  other 

rreat  Britain 

lere  is  not  a 

m  any  man 

to  so  harsh 

to  so  much 

She  says  it 

;  and ,  with 
into  a  very 
,  when  she 
eman  from 
and  Michi- 
:  her  loose, 

her  actual 
he  contest. 

army,  her 
he  hazards 

Her  army 
naval  pow- 
>ined  fleets 
is  equal  to 
ih  pU  the 


9 

world.  She  has  the  prospect  of  alliances  on  our  own  continent,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  relations  which  the  wisdom  of  '^ progressive  democracy" 
has  estabJushed  be.A-een  ourselves  and  Mexico;  and,  if  we  are  to  confide  in 
the  judgment  of  those  gentlemen  here,  who  seem  disposed  to  taN  the  man- 
■agement  of  this  whole  business  in  their  own  hands,  she  has  the  sympathy 
of  all  the  crowned  heads  with  her. 

I  do  not  wish  to  press  this  point;  it  is  a  delicate  one.  I  must  say,  how- 
ever, that,  in  niy  poor  opinion,  England  cannot — and  that,  wiih  a  pro|)er 
and  prudent  regard  for  her  own  public  character  and  moral  influence  with 
the  world  at  laige,  and  especially  within  her  own  possessions,  site  dare  not 
— submit  to  it.  If  she  does,  then  she  pockets  an  affiront  grosser  than  any  to 
which  she  has  submitted  for  eight  hundred  years  past;'and  she  does  so  pre- 
cisely at  the  time  when  she  is  more  able,  than  at  any  other  period  of  her  ex- 
istence, to  resist  and  resent  it. 

Nor  is  It  at  all|consi8tent  with  her  general  sagacity  to  suppose,  that  she  will 
<}uietly  fold  her  arms,  and  wait  our  twelve  months'  preparation.  I  believe 
liie  notice  will  produce  war  inevitably,  and  immediately, on  its  being  given. 

And  it  is  substantially  avowed  to  be  the  object  of  gentlemen ,  hign  in  the 
regard  of  the  dominant  party,  to  force  the  country  into  war.  One  gentle- 
man in  the  Senate  has  said  that  he  considered  war  inevitable,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  session ,  because  he  then  thought  it  certain  the  notice  ipouldpass; 
that  he  now  considers  it  doubtful ,  because  it  is  somewhat  uncertain  whe- 
ther the  notice  can  be  carried .  I  did  not  understand  that  gentleman  to  say  that 
he  is  for  war;  on  the  contrary,  they  all  say  they  are  not  for  war — but  he 
^iys  he  is  for  the  notice;  and  we  have  his  authority  for  considering  the  no- 
tice certain  and  inevitable  war.  If  the  notice  does  not  pass,  that  gentleman 
will  not  vote  the  proposed  naval  appropriations;  for,  in  that  event,  there  will 
be,  in  his  own  words,  "profound  peace." 

Another  distinguished  Senator,  whose  position  in  the  party  is  eminent — 
for  he  seems  to  be  vigorously  contesting  the  leadership  with  the  old  stagers — 
cannot  be  screwed  down  to  the  point  of  saying,  that  it  will  not  produce  war. 

He  will  answer  no  further  than  to  say  that,  "in  his  opinion,  it  will  not 
be  just  cause  of  war."  He  does  not  seem  to  care  at  all  about  a  war,  if  we 
do  not  give  a  just  cause  for  it. 

My  opinion  is,  we  should  do  every  thing  an  honorable  people  and  Gov- 
ernment can  do,  to  avoid  it;  and  in  this  case  the  difliculty  is,  in  my  judg- 
ment, not  how  we  may  honorably  avoid  it,  but  how  it  is  possible  to  get  into 
it,  in  any  other  than  a  most  dishonorable  way. 

England  wants  no  war  with  us.  She  knows  very  well  that  she  has  no- 
thing to  make  by  it;  and  that,  whilst  she  would  inflict  on  us  incalculable 
injury,  she  would  suffer  just  as  much,  probably  more,  than  ourselves.  War 
may  yet  come  out  of  this  thing,  and  come  fairly.  I  say,  then.  Sir,  let  it 
come.  When  we  can  stand  justified  before  God  and  man — ^justified  in  our 
own  conscience? — we  shall  present  an  undivided  front,  an  unconqtierable 
force;  conscious  that  we  are  right,  with  the  sympathies  of  the  world  in  our 
behalf,  and  the  God  of  battles  on  our  side. 

But  the  inquiry  which  occurs  to  a  practical  mind  is,  will  we  get  Oregon 
by  a  war?  The  honorable  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  (Mr.  Rhett,) 
expressed  opinions  on  this  subject  in  which  I  entirely  concur,  and  need  not 
repeat.  How  is  it  to  be  done  ?  If  the  object  could  be  accomplished  by  a 
mere  war  of  words,  the  thing  might  be  practicable  enough.  If  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  and  the  English  Parliament  would  agree  to  set- 


10 


■tie  it  by  a  bout  at  stump  speaking,  then  I  think)  Sir,  we  should  have  deci-^  T^ 

dedly  the  advantage.    In  the  thunder  and  lightning  part  of  the  perform-  chan| 

ance,  we  might  safely  undertake  the  Lords  and  the  Commons  too.  ants 

Suppose  the  fight  to  be  on  the  contested  premises — for  there  it  must  be  volul| 

before  we  can  take  or  keep  Oregon — ^how  would  you  meet  England  there  ?  alas 

A  very  few  men,  uninc'mibered  with  the  armor  and  subsistence  of  war,  form] 

can  with  great  difficulty  make  their  way  to  Oregon.    It  is  impossible  for  ^^^\  . 

large  numbers  to  reach  there  at  all.    They  could  not  carry  subsistence  to-  perilj 

last  them,  and  could  not  possibly  gather  it  on  the  way.    Would  you  go  by  ^®"*1| 

sea  ?    Run  the  gaundet  of  the  British  fleet  in  a  voyage  of  twenty  thousand  ized  | 

miles?  I  suppose  there  is  no  man,  of  any  sort  of  judgment  or  information,  serve 
here  or  elsewhere,  that  supposes  you  could  get  a  sliip  into  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia,  from  this  day  in  ten  years  to  come?  Sir,  you  could  not  get  out 
of  sight  of  your  own  land ,  with  the  first  transport .  The  very  wave  that  bore  it 
from  your  shores  would  return  to  strew  its  fragments  upon  the  strand.  Eng«; 
land,  whose  boast — and  no  idle  boast  it  is — has  been ,  for  three  hundred 


years,  that  *^her  march  was  on  the  mountain  wave,  her  home  upon  the 
deep,"  was  never  so  able  as  now,  to  maintain  her  naval  supremacy. 

There  is  one,  and  only  one  way  in  which  the  thing  is  within  the  bounds 
of  possibility;  and  that  is,  by  whipping  England  elsewhere  so  severely,  that 
she  would  be  willing  to  surrender  the  question,  for  the  sake  of  peace. 

Suppose  England  would  not  invade  us.  I  believe  it  has  not  yet  been 
suggested  that  we  would  invade  England.  But  gentlemen  say,  we  would 
take  Canada.  1  have  no  doubt  we  could  take  Canada.  But  would  that 
give  us  Oregon?  If  you  think  Canada  worth  more  than  Oregon,  you  . 
would  not  make  the  exchange,  after  you  had  taken  it.  If  England  consi- 
ders it  worth  less,  she  would  not  desire  to  exchange  Oregon  for  it;  and,  if  a 
result  of  this  sort  is  looked  to,  then  we  are  making  war,  not  for  Oregon,  but 
for  Canada — a  thing  which  1  have  no  doubt  is  perfectly  true,  as  to  some 
who  vote  for  this  notice. 

I  say  we  could  doubdcss  take  Canada;  not  Sir,  but  at  a  price  far  beyond 
her  value.  We  should  not  have  to  take  it  from  the  mongrels  and  hybrids, 
that  might  form  largely  the  mass  of  a  mere  Canadian  army — Canadian 
French  and  half-breed  Indians.  No  Sir;  we.  should  meet  men  of  our  own 
mettle;  it  would  be  Saxon  against  Saxon;  and  there  is  no  child's  play 
there.  The  blood  of  some  of  the  most  gallant  of  our  countrymen  has 
.  stained ,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  the  snows  that  for  half  the  year  veil 
her  frozen  and  unfertile  regions;  and  whienever  England  and  America  meet 
to  do  batde,  there,  then,  sir — 

"Few,  few  shall  port  where  many  meet, 
The  snow  shall  be  their  winding-sheet, 
And  every  turf  beneath  their  feet 
Shall  be  &  soldier's  sepulchre!" 

Mr.  Chairman,  there  would  be  no  war  in  Oregon,  nor  for  Oregon,  after 
it  is  commenced.  New  York  will  be  the  battle-field.  The  poisoned  cha- 
lice will  be  commended  to  her  lips.  She  will  have  an  early  and  a  bitter 
taste,  of  the  fruits  of  that  policy,  which  she  has  so  largely  contributed  to  fas- 
ten on  the  country.  Hn  maornificent  emporium,  with  its  stately  palaces 
and  its  imperial  treasures,  presents  an  object  worthy  the  steel  of  that 
powerful  adversary,  the  roll  of  whose  morning's  drum  rattles  round  the 
globe,  and  the  vigor  of  whose  potent  arm,  has  been  tested  in  die  triumphs, 
of  a  thousand  battle-fields. 


lave  deci- 
perform- 

i  must  h& 
nd  there  ? 
B  of  war, 
[>ssible  for 
istence  to- 
^ou  go  by 
thousand 
armation, 
iih  of  the 
ot  get  out 
mt  bore  it 
id.  Eng^ 
hundred 
jpon  the 
V' 

e  bounds 
lely,  that 
ace. 

y^et  been 
^e  would 
mid  that 
on,  you 
[id  consi- 
and,if  a 
gon,  but 
to  some 

beyond 
hybrids, 
anadian 
our  own 
Va  play 
nen  has 
ear  veil 
ca  meet 


ti,  after 
id  cha- 
i  bitter 
to  fas- 
salaces 
>f  that 
nd  the 
mphs^ 


1 


n 

There,  Sir,  would  be  the  tug  of  generous  and  manly  war;  and  there,  peir- 
cbapce,  powerful  as  the  great  empire  State  is,  the  services  of  the  descend- 
ants of  those  men,  whose  blood  was  poured  upon  every  field  where  her  re- 
volutionary banners  were  unfurled,  might  not  be  entirely  disdained ;  but^ 
alas  !  they  will  have  other,  and  sadder,  and  more  dangerous  duties  to  per- 
form. For  this  war  measure  seems  to  be  pressed  on  by  a  combination ,  one 
element  of  which  avows  its  purpose  to  bring  upon  the  South,  afflictions  and 
perils,  which  nothing  but  the  phrenzy  of  abolitionary  fanaticism  could  con- 
template witflout  agony.  For  us,  beyond  the  ordinary  incidents  of  civil- 
ized war,  horrors  to  which  we  are  supposed  to  be  peculiarly  liable,  are  re- 
served . 

^Whilst  we  are  to  meet  the  brunt  of  the  conflict,  and  to  bear  in  immense 
disproportion  the  expenses  that  attend  it;  to  fight  for  the  country,  and  to 
meet  and  drive  back  its  invaders  from  our  long  line  of  defenceless  shores; 
presenting  a  complication  of  difficulties,  distresses,  and  dangers,  that  might 
not  only  command  the  sympathies  of  strangers,  but  plead  for  the  mercies  of 
God,  what  fraternal  greetings  have  we  from  one  portion  of  our  own  country  T 
It  is  just  at  this  moment  that  the  fiend-fonn,  of  ferocious  fanaticism,  steals 
upon  the  scene — with  prayers  and  piety  hanging  upon  its  tongue,  but  the 
fires  of  hell  burning  in  its  heart — and  beckons  a  dark,  and,  as  it  thinks,  a 
terrible  enemy  vipon  our  rear.  The  dagger  and  the  torch ,  the  conflagra- 
tions and  the  murders,  of  insurrectionary  strife,  are  threatened  to  our  homes. 
Is  there  to  be  no  peace  for  us?  Are  all  the  horrors  to  which  I  have  allu- 
ded to  be  perpetually  attempted  to  be  forced  upon  us,  by  men  who  cry 
"peace,  peace,  when  there  is  no  peace?"  Is  there  no  period  of  repose? 
Can  no  question  of  peace  or  of  war  be  discussed  in  this  house,  that  we  are  not 
still  to  be  struck  at?  Is  oura  to  be  the  fate  of  Prometheus,  chained  forever 
to  a  rock,  which  we  cannot  escape,  and  gnawed  at  by,  not  this  eagle,  but 
this  insatiate  vulture  of  abolitionism  ? 

Cannot  ''potent,  grave,  and  reverend  seigneurs"  learn  to  understand  our 
position  and  our  character,  and  be  taught  that  we  will  not  and  cannot  sub- 
mit forever  to  this  obstinate,  this  insolent  interference  with  our  own  private 
aflairs;  that  there  is  a  point  at  which  patience  ceages  to  be  a  virtue;  that  the 
crisis  may  at  last  be  forced  upon  us;  and  that,  if  they  be  right  in  supposing 
us  too  weak  to  protect  ourselves,  (of  which  we  have  no  fears,)  then,  that 
they  should  credit  us  with  the  strength  and  courage  to  sustain  a  struggle,  in 
which,  if  we  did  not  succeed  in  preserving  ourselves,  we  could  not  fail  to 
pull  down  the  pillars  of  our  common  temple  in  ruin  upon  our  heads;  and  in 
consigning  to  an  early  and  inglorious  grave  our  great  experiment — with  all 
the  sublime  recollections  that  gather  round  its  history,  and  all  the  brilliant 
anlicipauons  that  brighten  in  its  future — if  it  could  be  pursued  in  a 
spirit  of  concessi-r^n,  and  patriotism,  and  submission,  to  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution  ? 

As  to  the  merits  of  this  Oregon  question — I  mean,  as  to  the  character  of 
our  title — I  find  no  occasion  to  go  into  it  at  all.  It  seems  that  we  all  a^ree 
in  one  thing,  and  that  is,  that  our  title  is  a  better  one  than  the  English  title; 
that,  if  it  be  not  one  which  can  bear  the  test  of  judicial  scrutiny,  still  it  is  a 
better  one  on  all  grounds,  than  that  of  England.  What  I  mean,  is  in  refe- 
rence only  to  the  comparative  strength  of  the  two  titles — English  and 
Amci  irua .  My  own  opinion  is,  that  either  title  is  far  from  being  a  clear  one. 
But  i  speak  to  the  pointy  as  between  England  and  the  United  States;  and;. 


12 


In  wl^atiev^  I  say  on  that  subject,  I  desire  to  be  distinctly  understood  aanpt 
intending  to  afi^m  that  a  clear,  leg^l,  or  equitable  title,  is  in  either  Govem- 
meot  to  the  whole,  or  any  part  of  it. 

'  judicious 


already 

twenty  times  told,  of  the  reasons  which  bring  ray  mind  lo  the  conclusion  in 
favor  of  our  title — good,  at  all  events,  as  against  England.  I  should  but 
follow  in  the  course  of  numerous  gentlemen  who  have  preced^  me  in  this 
debate — themselves  following  the  able  and  unanswerable  arguments  of  our 
two  ministers,  Messrs.  Calhoun  and  Buchanan. 

I  concur  in  every  argument,  opinion,  and  sentence  of  the  speech  of  the 
able  and  learned  gentleman,  who  with  so  much  distinction  represents  the 
city  of  Boston  on  this  floor;  and  who,  whilst  he  in  tofies  that  bring  convic- 
tion of  his  sincerity  to  every  ingenuous  mind,  declares  his  purpose  to  stand 
by  his  country,  and  his  whole  country,  in  any  emergency  to  which  she  may 
be  brought,  yet  evinces  not  a  timid,  but  a  manly  and  a  rational  anxiety  to 
preserve  the  public  peace.  He  may  well  take  such  a  part;  for  he  who  has 
least  done  so,  might  be  said  to  have  lived  in  vain,  if  he  had  failed  to  be  im- 
pressed by  all  the  splendid  institutions  which  adorn  and  enrich  his  beautiful 
city,  and  the  great  and  wise  commonwealth  of  which  that  city  itself  is  the 
ornament  and  pride,  with  the  truth  of  the  proposition,  that  peace  hath  her 
triumphs,  as  well  as  war. 

I  say, Sir,  I  adopt  that  honorable  gentleman's  v»'hole  speech,  for  it  was  ad- 
dressed to  the  56/156,  and  not  to  the  Mo;wew5c,  of  this  House  orthe  country .  That 
gentleman  gave  proof,  in  the  entire  speech,  as  well  as  in  the  particular  de- 
claration, of  the  great  confidence  which  he  reposes  in  the  calm  judgment, 
the  "sober  second  thought,"  as  he  called  it,  of  the  people  of  this  country: 
that,  however  true  might  have  been  the  remark  of  the  Bntish  courtier,  in 
reference  to  the  Bntish  people,  it  was  not  true  of  our  day  and  country. 

Whilst  1  concur  with  all  the  gentlemen  who  have  preceded  me  in  the 
matter  of  the  title,  so  far  as  its  vahdity  is  compared  with  that  of  England, 
there  is  another  point  in  regard  to  which  I  differ  with  perhaps  the  whole  of 
them;  and  that  is,  as  to  the  value  of  this  territory  to  our  Government.     In 
my  judgment  It  is  not  worth  one  farthing  to  the  United  States.    Waiving 
all  inquiry  into  its  intrinsic  capacities  and  value ,  (which  I  hold  at  a  very 
low  irate,  even  to  those  who  want  territory,)  I  maintain  that  it  is  of  no  value 
to  us,  because  we  want  no  more  territory;  that  if  we  were  cramped  within 
.   too  narrow  boundaries,  still  Oregon  is  too  remote  from  us  to  form  a  portion 
of  our  Uoion,  with  advantage  either  to  itself  or  to  us.    We  may  incur  the 
heavy  expense  of  nursing  its  infancy,  but,  long  before  it  approaches  man- 
hood, it  will  be  able  to  stand  upon  its  own  legs,  and  will  then  set  up  for  it- 
self, as  it  ought  to  do. 

1  call  genUemen's  attention  to  the  character  of  the  vote  which  will  be 
;given  on  this  very  question,  as  an  answer,  full  and  complete ,  against  the 
thQpcy  of  those  who  favor  a  national  policy,  of  endless  and  perpetual  expan- 
eipn— r^xiwision,  until  our  Union  comprehends  sections  that  cannot  have  a 
copin^n  interest  or  common  attachment,  bringing  into  the  Confederacy  a 
principle  which  tends  inevitably  and  irresistibly  to  national  disunion  and 
ruin. 

I  maintain  the  title,  however,  and  acknowledge  ou  obligation  to  make  it 


la 


ood  as  not 
T  Govern- 

judicious 
c  it  is. 
le  alrendy 
elusion  in 
loiiid  but 
ne  in  this 
nts  of  our 

ch  of  the 

Jsents  the 

convic- 

to  stand 
1  she  may 
nxiety  to 

who  has 
to  be  im- 
beautiftil 
elf  is  the 
hath  her 

it  was  ad- 
ry.  That 
culfxr  de- 
idgment, 
country: 
iirtier,  in 
itry. 

le  in  the 
England , 
whole  of 
ent.  In 
Waiving 
t  a  very 
no  value 
d  within 
I  portion 
ncur  the 
les  man- 
jp  for  it- 

will  be 
linst  the 
I  expan- 
t  have  a 
leracy  a 
ion  and 

make  it 


good  at  all  kazetrdSf  when  the  necessity  arises  for  its  assertion .  But  I  utteiijr 
deny  the  right  of  a  particular  section  to  claim  this  as  a  sectional  qitestiKNii). 
or  Oregon  as  a  Western  property.  The  Western  States  have  no  mare 
rights,  no  more  interests,  in  this  subject,  than  have  the  Eastern.  And  I 
protest  against  their  right  to  decide,  when  we  are  to  go  to  war  for  this  mise^ 
rable  and  worthless  territory. 

It  may  be  asked,  how  I  would  make  it  good?  Why,  the  most  agreeable 
process,  it  seems  to  me,  would  be  that  indicated  by  the  honorable  chairniaq 
of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  and  called  by  the  honorable  member 
from  Indiana  ''the  American  maltiphcation  table."  I  think  it  very  doabt- 
ful  however,  whether  our  present  chief  Executive  officer  is  precisely  the 
man  to  head  an  operaticm  of  that  soil)  of  this  I  am  sure,  that  at  that  par- 
ticular game  her  Majesty  Queen  Victoria  would  beat  hint,  and  beat  him 
badly. 

[Here  Mr.  C.  J.  Ingersoll  observed  to  Mr.  P.  that  Sir  Robert  Peel 
bad  eleven  children.] 

Then,  Sir,  if  it  were  a  question  not  between  the  two  sovereigns  themselves^ 
but  between  their  respective  premiere,  Sir  Robert  Peel  and  Mr.  Buchanan^ 
it  would  be  no  less  against  the  American  side. 

Sir,  I  would  leave  jt  to  time,  to  a  reasonable  extent  at  least.  I  Would 
Ttnew  the  negotiations;  if  that  could  not  be  made  successful,  1  would  sub- 
mit to  reference;  I  would  setde  the  question  as  honest  men  may  and  must 
settle  all  such  questions,  by  the  umpirage  of  impartial  and  competent  lefe- 
rees.  It  is  no  point  of  honor  to  be  settled;  but  purely  a  question  of  bouiH 
dary,  between  contiguous  proprietors. 

And  finally,  Sir,  if  these  means  all  fail,  and  this  bullying  poWer  of  Old 
England,  so  much  and  in  such  bad  taste  abused  in  this  debate — though,  by 
the  way,  her  part  of  the  bullying  and  blustering  is  yet  to  be  enacted  on  thi& 
subject — shall  persist  in  a  course  of  injustice,  and  above  all,  shall  attempt 
to  bully  us— then  fight  her.  Sir,  and  fight  her  to  the  death. 

I  feel,  Mr.  Chairman,  a  reverence  too  sincere,  a  devotion  too  deep,  fat 
that  venerable  Commonwealth ,  which  I  so  unworthily  represent  in  pftrt 
here,  to  insult  her  by  telling  you,  or  the  world,  where  she  will  be  found 
when  that  crisis  arrives.  Virginia  belongs  to  no  "peace  party  in  Waf;"  t* 
no  war  party  in  peace.  And,  as  she  disdains  to  eaact  the  braggart  in  the> 
quarrel,  so  it  may  be  safely  assumed,  that  she  will  never  play  the  part  of  the 
traitor  in  the  conflict. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  speaks  of  our  obligations  to  facilitate 
emigration  to  Oregon, and  to  protect  our  "patriotic  pioneers"  who  are  there ► 
And  gentlemen  tell  us  of  the  attachment  of  these  people  to  their  dear  native  land  ► 
Why  do  they  leave  it,  Sir?  Why  is  it  that, with  instinctive  aversion,  they  retire 
before  the  advance  of  civilization— preferring  the  wild  excitement  and  the  rug- 
ged discomforts  of  the  wilderness  to  the  repose,  the  security ,  and  the  refinement* 
of  social  and  cultivated  life?  They  manifest  their  attachment,  by  disregarding 
the  influences  that  bind  ordinary  men  to  the  places  of  their  nativity;  by- 
snapping  recklessly  the  ties  of  blood,  and  kindred,  and  social  connexions; 
and  calmly,  and  of  their  own  free  choice,  deserting  a  generous  soil  and  a 
genial  clime — abandoning  the  hearths  and  the  altars  of  their  childhood  and 
youth,  they  toil  through  a  vast  and  cheerless  wildenjess — ^where  savage  mail 
and  savage  beast  meets  them  at  every  turn — through  scenes  where  danger 
lurks  in  every  path,  and  death  is  whispered  in  every  breeze — to  gain  at  last 


tnnnrr-TwaaowB 


H 


«  borne  so  inhospitable  and  rude,  tbat  according  to  tbe  learned  gentleman 
from  Pbiladelpbia,  it  takes  tbe  genius  of  Shakspeare  to  do  justice  to  its  bor- 
Tors. 

And  it  is  for  these  restless  and  wayward  wnnderers^  that  the  distinguished 
:gentleman  from  Alabama  would  have  our  Government  endeavor  to  realize  the 
fabulous  ubiquity  of  the  Roman  power — sending  its  eegis  throughout  the  world , 
for  their  protection .  Sir ,  I  am  against  any  such  principle .  It  is  easier  for  these 
people  to  stay  at  home,  than  for  us  to  go  to  war.  If  they  will  go  upon  territory, 
the  title  of  which  is  unsettled,  let  them  go  at  their  own  risk.  A  few  men  have 
no  right  to  involve  millions  in  war.  It  is  not  the  policy  of  our  Government  to 
be  running  over  the  world  looking  after  citizens,  whose  allegiance  is  mani- 
fested, only  by  acts  of  expatriation.  They  went  to  Texas  to  fight  for  their 
liberty;  they  achieved  great  victories;  had  wonderful  prosperity;  found  the 
true  El  Dorado — a  country,  richer  than  the  dreams  of  Spanish  avarice  had 
pictured — a  country,  in  behalf  of  which  it  would  seem,  that  a  relenting  Pro- 
vidence had  repealed  the  primeval  curse;  for  we  were  told  that  production 
leaps  spontaneously  from  its  bosom ,  and  man  need  not  toil  for  his  bread . 
Yet,  in  a  few  brief  years,  though  unscourged  by  war,  or  pestilence,  or 
famine,  they  call  on  us  to  annex  them  '^  immediately  or  sooner,"  or  their 
friends  say,  they  will  perish.  We  do  annex  them,  in  a  way  which,  for  its 
form  and  precipitation  has  left  a  deeper  stain  on  our  national  character,  than 
any  event  since  the  declaration  of  our  independence. 

And  straightway  they  next  put  out  for  Oregon,  and,  getting  there,  call  on 
us  to  terminate  a  convention,  under  which,  for  thirty  years,  we  have  got 
along  in  peace ;  and  to  do  it  directly  and  instantly,  despite  the  hazard  of  a 
war — a  war  which,  if  it  does  come,  may,  and  most  probably  will,  be  the 
most  destructive  which  has  for  centuries  occurred.  And  that  over,  (if,  in- 
deed, it  be  the  good  fortune  of  our  Confederacy  to  survive  it,)  they  would 
make  another  start,  for  God  knows  where — perhaps  to  the  North  Pole,  if 
they  could  find  a  trail,  or  make  a  trail  to  it — and  the  aegis,  I  presume,  would 
be  immediately  called  for  again ,  supposing  any  other  people  in  the  world 
absurd  enough  to  contest  with  them  such  a  possession. 

But,  Sir,  if  I  am  mistaken  in  regarding  this  as  a  war  measure,  then  I  am 
still  opposed  to  it  as  a  peace  measure.  It  loses  us  inevitably  and  certainly 
about  half  ihe  territory  of  Oregon;  for  I  suppose  no  man,  and  least  of  all, 
those  gentlemen  whose  consciences  are  so  nice  on  the  point  of  the  national 
honor,  can  doubt  that,  with  the  notice,  the  last  proposition  of  the  President 
must  be  re-submitted .  The  settlement  of  the  question  now  must  lose  us 
the  better  half  of  tbe  country:  time,  emigration,  and  '4he  multiplication 
table,"  get  us  the  whole  of  ii.  This  is  no  point  of  interest  to  me.  I  make 
the  suggestion  for  gentlemen  who  consider  it  a  very  valuable  country. 

Gentlemen  talk  about  honorMe  peace.  Who,  here,  is  for  dishonor- 
able peace?  Will  some  of  these  war-hawks  come  down  from  their  exercises 
with  the  eagle,  and  condescend  to  deal  in  common  sense  for  a  few  moments, 
and  let  me  know — for  I  wish  to  learn — wherein  it  is  that  the  peace  subsist- 
mg  between  the  United  Slates,  and  Great  Britain,  is  a  dishonorable  peace? 
Have  we  an  insult,  a  trespass,  or  even  a  menace  to  avenge?  Has  our  flag 
been  insulted,  our  soil  invaded,  or  our  honor  impeached?  It  seems  to  me, 
4Si,r,  that  it  is  more  dishonorable  t(<  break,  than  to  keep  such  a  peace. 

ISuppose,  Sir,  that  votes  enough  to  cany  this  measure  be  given,  not  with 
the  wish  or  the  expectation  of  getting  Oregon,  but  to  get  Canada — ^thus  ex- 


I  citing 
i  purpo 
I  claim 
I  hones 
s  cious 
I     But 
I  minut 
I  and  I 
Hei 


i 


:l 


Th( 

for  m( 
point 
taken 
practi( 
had  hi 
the  tin 
shouk 
report 
1  tion  c 
I  made 
I  Had  I 
1  tion 
i  ever 
I  had 
I  ca 
than  t< 
Albert 
cer — tl 
Gallati 
establi 
establi 

Ii  has 

1st.  n 

1  tested  te 

^  honor  o 

■  tiations. 

?     2d.  1 

convent 

elusive  1 

•  and  has 

interest! 

.  such  a ( 

aggressi 

chances 

3d.  1 

that,  if 

tion  ;  tl 

somethi 

ductive 

4th. 

vention 

and  nia 

it  not  diat 


15 


gentlemaii 
I  to  its  hoi' 

itingiiished 
realize  the 
the  world, 
}r  for  these 
n  territory ; 
men  have 
srnment  to 
i  is  mani- 
it  for  their 
found  the 
i^arice  had 
nting  Pro- 
)roductioa 
his  bread, 
ilence,  or 
'  or  their 
ich,  for  its 
cter,  than 

re ,  call  on 
have  got 
zard  of  a 
11,  be  the 
;r,  (if,  in- 
ey  would 
Pole,  if 
lie,  would 
he  world 

hen  I  am 
certainly 
St  of  all, 
national 
President 
it  lose  us 
iplication 
I  make 

ry- 

dishonor- 
exercises 
noments, 
subsist- 
e  peace? 
3  our  flag 
IS  to  me, 
e. 

not  with 
-thus  ex- 


citing the  people  of  the  country  on  the  merits  of  the  Oregon  claim,  for  the 

purpose  of  directing  their  force  against  a  province,  to  which  we  have  no 
[claim,  and  to  any  attempt  to  take  which  directly,  they  could  not,  as  an 

honest  people,  be  brought.   Was  there  ever  a  war,  more  infomous  and  atro- 
;  cious  than  that  would  be?  - 

I     But,  Sir,  I  observe  by  the  watch  before  me,  that  1  have  less  than  half  a 

minute  left  me.    I  have  many  things  I  would  like  to  say  on  this  subject, 
I  and  I  regret  for  this  time,  and  for  this  only,  the  existence  of  your  hour  rule. 
Here  the  chairman's  hammer  came  down. 


TO  MY  CONSTITUENTS. 

The  one  hour  rule  of  the  House  of  Representatives  made  it  impossible 
for  me  to  discuss  the  question  of  title  at  all,  without  neglecting  every  other 
point  entirely.  The  presentation  oi"  the  mere  historical  detail  would  have 
taken  more  than  the  entire  hour.  I  find  no  fault  whatever  with  the  settled 
practice  of  gentlemen  in  writing  out  ''what  they  would  have  said  if  they 
had  had  time,"  and  especially  when  they  signify  their  intention  to  do  so  at 
the  time  they  speak.  As  a  general  proposition,  it  is  right  and  proper  they 
should  do  so.  But  for  myself,  in  this  particular  case,  I  have  preferred  to 
report,  verbatim  et  literatim,  what  I  did  say — without  the  intentional  addi- 
tion or  subtiaction  of  a  single  idea  or  word.  Otherwise,  L should  have 
made  copious  quotations  from  the  numbers  just  published  by  Mr.  Gallatin. 
Had  I  seen  those  numbers  before  I  spoke,  I  should  have  declared  my  inten- 
tion to  do  so;  and  then,  without  any  difficulty,  could  have  selected  what- 
ever I  deemed  important  to  strengthen  my  own  views  on  the  subject.  But 
I  had  not  read  a  line  of  either  one  of  them . 

I  can  now  only  call  the  attention  of  such,  as  have  no  better  employment 
than  to  give  an  hour  to  the  foregoing  speech,  to  the  four  numbers  signed 
Albert  Gallatin ,  appearing  in  the  last  few  days  in  the  National  Intelligen- 
cer— the  last  of  th6  series  this  morning.  I  will  here  only  quote,  in  Mr. 
Gallatin's  own  words,  his  statement  of  the  propositions  which  he  meant  to 
establish;  and  which,  more  tlian  any  other  writer  or  speaker,  I  think  he  has 
established.    He  says: 

Ii  has  been  attempted  in  tliese  papers  to  prove — 

1st.  That  neither  of  the  two  Powers  has  an  absolute  and  indisputable  right  to  the  whole  con- 

,  tested  territory ;  that  each  may  recede  from  its  extreme  pretensions  without  impairing  national 

[honor  or  wounding  national  pride  ;  and  that  the  way  is  therefore  still  open  for  a  renewal  of  nego- 

i  tiations. 

i  2d.  T>  A.  .le  avowed  object  of  the  United  States,  in  giving  notice  of  the  abrogation  of  the 
convention,  is  the  determination  to  assert  and  maintain  their  assumed  right  of  absolute  and  ex- 
clusive sovereignty  over  the  whole  territory  ;  that  Great  Britain  is  fully  committed  on  that  point, 
and  has  constantly  and  explicitly  declared  that  such  an  attempt  would  be  resisted,  and  the  British 
interests  in  that  qiftirter  be  protected ;  and  that  war  is  therefore  the  unavoidable  consequence  of 

'  such  a  decisive  step — a  war  not  only  necessarily  calamitous  and  expensive,  but  in  its  character 
aggressive — not  justifiable  by  the  magnitude  and  importance  of  its  object,  and  of  which  the 
chances  are  uncertain. 

3d.  That  the  inconveniences  of  the  present  state  of  thuigs  may  in  a  great  degree  be  avoided  ; 
that,  if  no  war  should  ensue,  they  will  ue  the  same,  if  not  greater,  without  than  under  a  conven- 
tion ;  that  not  a  single  object  can  be  gained  by  giving  the  notice  af  'his  time,  unless  it  be  to  do 
something  not  permitted  by  the  present  convention,  and  therefore  provoking  resistance  and  pro- 
ductive of  war.     If  a  single  other  advantage  can  be  gained  by  giving  the  notice,  let  it  be  stated. 

4th.  That  it  has  been  fully  admitted  by  Great  Britain  that,  whether  under  or  without  a  con- 
vention, the  United  States  have  the  same  rights  as  herself,  to  trade,  to  nttvigate,  and  to  occupy 
and  make  settlements  in  and  over  every  part  of  the  territory;  and  that,  if  this  state  of  things Ibie 
not  disturbed,  natural  causes  must  necessarily  give  the  whole  territory  to  the  United  States. 


m 

Under  thcae  eiieviMtaDieck  it  i$  oniy  aaked  thbt  tb«  Mibjeet  may  be  ppaMpnad  /or  th«  pt^ 
•eht;  that  Qovernraent  shoula  not  commit  itself  by  any  jwemature  act  or  declaration-,  that,  in- 
Mead' of  iacriMiiiing  the  irritation  and  excitement  Wliich  exiat  on  both  aides,  time  be  ^ven  fat 
mutual  reflection,  and  for  the  subdnal  or  aubaidence  of  angry  and  violent  fiMlings.  Then,  aniA 
then  only,  can  the  delibenUe  opinion  of  the  American  people,  on  thia  momentous  qucation^  btf 
trdly  ascertained.  It  is  not  perceived  how  the  postponement  for  the  present,  and  for  a  time, 
can,  in  any  ^ape,  or  in  th<;  slightest  degree,  injure  the  United  States* 

I  need  not  say  to  euch  a  constituency  as  my  own,  that,  in  quoting  Mr. 
Galli^n,  I  rely  on  the  highest  living  authority.  That  venerable  gentfemaii 
— by  fax  the  most  illustrious  of  American  statesmen  yet  left  to  us — ^the 
trusted  friend  of  Jefferson  and  Madison,  and  a  great  leader  of  the  Republi- 
can party  in  its  best  and  purest  days,  may  possibly  have  still  some  claim  to 
the  respectful  consideration  of  his  countrymen. 

The  quotation  which  1  have  made  is  intended  to  attract  the  publvc  atten- 
tion, in  my  own  district,  to  arguments  and  opinions,  calculated,  I  believe, 
to  enlighten  its  judgment,  and  to  fortify  it  against  the  insane  ravings  of  a 
senseless  clamor,  which,  incapable  of  comprehending,  or  careless  of  en- 
countering, the  inevitable  consequences,  would  place  the  country  in  a  con- 
dition in  which  il  Will  be  impossible  to  avoid  war. 

JOHN  S.  PENDLETON. 


•d /or  th«  i^r^ 

iration;  that,  in- 

gs.    Then^  aniA 
and  for  a  time. 


quotinfif  Mr. 
e  gentldman 
to  us — ^the 
he  Republi- 
me  claim  to 

)ubHc  atten- 
I,  I  believe  7 
'avings  of  a 
eless  of  en- 
ry  in  a  con- 

LBTON. 


WMMtl 


